Francis Fukuyama Boeken

Fukuyama, de schrijver van het wereldwijd beroemde boek "Het einde van de geschiedenis', bekijkt in zijn nieuwe boek "Identiteit' het electorale succes van populisten. Dit succes wordt vaak verklaard vanuit economische motieven, maar komt in feite voort uit een behoefte aan identiteit. In "Het einde van de geschiedenis' schreef Fukuyama al dat mensen hechten aan erkenning van hun waardigheid. Nu verklaart hij vanuit dit begrip het huidige tijdsgewricht. Voorheen streefde de liberale democratie naar universele erkenning van burgerschap met onvervreemdbare rechten. Nu heeft identiteitspolitiek op basis van religie, ras, etniciteit of gender de overhand. De opleving van de gepolitiseerde islam, identiteitspolitiek gericht op etnische minderheden, activisme op universiteiten en het anti-immigranten-populisme zijn daar voorbeelden van. De behoefte aan identiteit kan niet zomaar opzij worden gezet. Daarom moet zij ingevuld worden op een manier die de democratie ondersteunt in plaats van ondermijnt. Identiteit is een noodzakelijk boek – een ernstige waarschuwing dat we onszelf veroordelen tot voortdurend conflict, tenzij we een universele invulling aan menselijke waardigheid geven.

In 'The Origins of Political Order', Francis Fukuyama took us from the dawn of mankind to the French and American Revolutions. Here, he picks up the thread again in the second instalment of his definitive account of mankind's emergence as a political animal. This is the story of how state, law, and democracy developed after these cataclysmic events, how the modern landscape - with its uneasy tension between dictatorships and liberal democracies - evolved and, finally, how in the United States and in other developed democracies, unmistakable signs of decay have emerged

Nations are not trapped by their pasts, but events that happened hundreds or even thousands of years ago continue to exert huge influence on present-day politics. If we are to understand the politics that we now take for granted, we need to understand its origins. Francis Fukuyama examines the paths that different societies have taken to reach their current forms of political order. This book starts with the very beginning of mankind and comes right up to the eve of the French and American revolutions, spanning such diverse disciplines as economics, anthropology and geography. The Origins of Political Order is a magisterial study on the emergence of mankind as a political animal, by one of the most eminent political thinkers writing today.

In his bestselling The End of History and the Last Man, Francis Fukuyama argued that the end of the Cold War would also mean the beginning of a struggle for position in the rapidly emerging order of 21st-century capitalism. In Trust, a penetrating assessment of the emerging global economic order "after History," he explains the social principles of economic life and tells us what we need to know to win the coming struggle for world dominance. Challenging orthodoxies of both the left and right, Fukuyama examines a wide range of national cultures in order to divine the underlying principles that foster social and economic prosperity. Insisting that we cannot divorce economic life from cultural life, he contends that in an era when social capital may be as important as physical capital, only those societies with a high degree of social trust will be able to create the flexible, large-scale business organizations that are needed to compete in the new global economy. A brilliant study of the interconnectedness of economic life with cultural life, Trust is also an essential antidote to the increasing drift of American culture into extreme forms of individualism, which, if unchecked, will have dire consequences for the nation's economic health.

A TIMES BEST PHILOSOPHY & IDEAS BOOK OF 2022A defence of liberalism by the renowned political philosopher'We need more thinkers as wise as Fukuyama digging their fingers into the soil of our predicament' The New York Times'A brilliantly acute summary of the way some aspects of liberal thought have consumed themselves' Guardian'One of the West's most interesting public intellectuals' Times'Hard to think of a better case for liberal centrism' FTLiberalism - the comparatively mild-mannered sibling to the more ardent camps of nationalism and socialism - has never been so divisive as today. From Putin's populism, the Trump administration and autocratic rulers in democracies the world over, it has both thrived and failed under identity politics, authoritarianism, social media and a weakened free press the world over.Since its inception following the post-Reformation wars, liberalism has come under attack from conservatives and progressives alike, and today is dismissed by many as an 'obsolete doctrine'. In this brilliant and concise exposition, Francis Fukuyama sets out the cases for and against its classical observing the rule of law, independence of judges, means over ends, and most of all, tolerance.Pithy, to the point, and ever pertinent, this is political dissection at its very best.

An exploration of the nature of social order discusses how the transformation from an industrial to an information society has disrupted moral standards, showing how the disruption will evolve into a Great Reconstruction as age-appropriate values instill themselves. 50,000 first printing.

The end of history will be a very sad time. The struggle for recognition, the willingness to risk one's life for a purely abstract goal, the worldwide ideological struggle that called forth daring, courage, imagination, and idealism, will be replaced by economic calculation, the endless solving of technical problems, environmental concerns, and the satisfaction of sophisticated consumer demands. In the post-historical period there will be neither art nor philosophy, just the perpetual caretaking of the museum of human history. I can feel in myself, and see in others around me, a powerful nostalgia for the time when history existed. Such nostalgia, in fact, will continue to fuel competition and conflict even in the post-historical world for some time to come. Even though I recognize its inevitability, I have the most ambivalent feelings for the civilization that has been created in Europe since 1945, with its north Atlantic and Asian offshoots. Perhaps this very prospect of centuries of boredom at the end of history will serve to get history started once again.

In the past thirty years, the United States has undergone a profound transformation in its social structure: Crime has increased, trust has declined, families have broken down, and individualism has triumphed over community. Has the Great Disruption of recent decades rent the fabric of American society irreparably? In this brilliant and sweeping work of social, economic, and moral analysis, Francis Fukuyama shows that even as the old order has broken apart, a new social order is already taking its place. The Great Disruption forges a new model for understanding the Great Reconstruction that is under way.

Attacking the right-wing policymakers he had associated with, the author argues that the Bush administration, in the war in Iraq, has wrongly applied the principles of neoconservatism. He provides an approach, which emphasizes the importance of solving the problem of development and of creating multiple international institutions.

Weak or failed states - where no government is in control - are the source of many of the world's most serious problems, from poverty, AIDS and drugs to terrorism. What can be done to help?

The first human clone is on the horizon, raising profound questions about humanity and morality. If we can select traits from a "gene supermarket," what does that mean for our understanding of human nature? In 1989, Francis Fukuyama famously declared that history had reached its end as alternatives to liberal democracy had exhausted themselves. A decade later, he revised his view, suggesting that true historical progress hinges on scientific advancements. Fukuyama argues that future breakthroughs in the life sciences, particularly in modifying human behavior, will significantly impact liberal democracy. He traces humanity's evolving perception of human nature, from ancient philosophers like Plato and Aristotle, who believed in "natural ends," to modern utopians and dictators who aimed to reshape mankind for ideological purposes. Fukuyama warns that the biotechnology revolution, particularly the ability to alter the "germ-line" and manipulate DNA for future generations, poses serious risks to our political order. Even seemingly benign parental choices to enhance their children could have far-reaching implications. In this work, Fukuyama explores how these developments challenge the foundational belief in the inherent equality of all human beings.

" Menteurs ! Va-t-en-guerre ! Criminels ! Fanatiques Faucons ! Néo-cons ! " Que n'a-t-on pas entendu, ici comme ailleurs, sur ces fameux néo-conservateurs... Mais sait-on qui ils sont vraiment ? Dans cet essai féroce et salutaire, Francis Fukuyama, l'un des théoriciens majeurs de notre temps, fait voler en éclats les idées reçues et dévoile les origines du plus grand malentendu politique de ces dernières années.

Podtitul: Od průmyslové revoluce po globalizaci demokracie. Podle britského Guardianu budeme jednou dvojici knih Původ politického řádu a Politický řád a úpadek Francise Fukuyamy (* 1952) vnímat jako životní dílo tohoto amerického politologa japonského původu. Ve druhé knize s podtitulem Od průmyslové revoluce po globalizaci demokracie sleduje Fukuyama historický vývoj od Francouzské revoluce po arabské jaro s důrazem na nefunkčnost, a tedy úpadek současného amerického politického života. Autor si všímá toho, zda a jak transparentní právní systém a vůle lidu udržují ústřední moc pod kontrolou. Zkoumá rovněž dopady korupce na státní správu a způsoby, jakými se ji v některých společnostech podařilo vymýtit. Rozebírá odkaz kolonialismu v Latinské Americe, Africe i Asii a pokouší se vysvětlit, proč se některým regionům dařilo a rozvinuly se rychleji než jiné. I přes celosvětovou krizi střední třídy a politickou paralýzu Západu však Fukuyama s demokracií i nadále počítá.